Which of the following early 19th century political figures was most closely identified with the concept of the Concert of Europe?

Through the many wars and peace congresses of the 18th century, European diplomacy strove to maintain a balance between five great powers: Britain, France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia. At the century’s end, however, the French Revolution, France’s efforts to export it, and the attempts of Napoleon I to conquer Europe first unbalanced and then overthrew the continent’s state system. After Napoleon’s defeat, the Congress of Vienna was convened in 1814–15 to set new boundaries, re-create the balance of power, and guard against future French hegemony. It also dealt with international problems internationally, taking up issues such as rivers, the slave trade, and the rules of diplomacy. The Final Act of Vienna of 1815, as amended at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) in 1818, established four classes of heads of diplomatic missions—precedence within each class being determined by the date of presentation of credentials—and a system for signing treaties in French alphabetical order by country name. Thus ended the battles over precedence. Unwritten rules also were established. At Vienna, for example, a distinction was made between great powers and “powers with limited interests.” Only great powers exchanged ambassadors. Until 1893 the United States had no ambassadors; like those of other lesser states, its envoys were only ministers.

More unwritten rules were soon developed. Napoleon’s return and second defeat required a new peace treaty with France at Paris in November 1815. On that occasion the four great victors (Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia) formally signed the Quadruple Alliance, which called for periodic meetings of the signatories to consult on common interests, to ensure the “repose and prosperity of the Nations,” and to maintain the peace of Europe. This clause, which created a Concert of Europe, entailed cooperation and restraint as well as a tacit code: the great powers would make all important decisions; internal changes in any member of the Concert had to be sanctioned by the great powers; the great powers were not to challenge each other; and the Concert would decide all disputes. The Concert thus constituted a rudimentary system of international governance by a consortium of great powers.

Initially, meetings of the Concert were attended by rulers, chancellors, and foreign ministers. The first meeting, which was held at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, resulted in the admittance of France to the Concert and the secret renewal of the Quadruple Alliance against it. The meeting also refined diplomatic rules and tackled other international questions. Aix was the first international congress held in peacetime and the first to attract coverage by the press, relations with whom were conducted by the secretary-general of the congress. Thus was born the public relations aspect of diplomacy and the press communiqué.

Thereafter, congresses met in response to crises. Owing to disputes between the powers, after 1822 the meetings ceased, though the Concert of Europe itself continued unobtrusively. Beginning in 1816 an ambassadorial conference was established in Paris to address issues arising from the 1815 treaty with France. Other conferences of ambassadors followed—usually in London, Vienna, or Paris—to address specific international problems and to sanction change when it seemed advisable or unavoidable. Diplomats continued to adjust and amend the European system with conferences, ranging from the meeting held in London in 1830 that endorsed Belgian independence to the meeting in 1912–13, also held in London, to resolve the Balkan Wars. The Concert was stretched and then disregarded altogether between 1854 and 1870, during the Crimean War and the unifications of Italy and Germany. The century during which it existed (1815–1914) was generally peaceful, marred only by short, limited wars; the bloodshed of one of these wars, the second war of Italian independence, inspired the creation in the 1860s of the International Committee for the Relief of the Wounded (later the International Red Cross) as an international nongovernmental agency.

After three decades Europe reverted to conference diplomacy at the foreign ministerial level. The Congress of Paris of 1856 not only ended the Crimean War but also resulted in the codification of a significant amount of international law. As European powers extended their sway throughout the world, colonies and spheres of influence in areas remote from Europe came increasingly to preoccupy their diplomacy. Conferences in Berlin in 1878 and 1884–85 prevented conflagrations over the so-called “Eastern” and “African” questions—euphemisms, respectively, for intervention on behalf of Christian interests in the decaying Ottoman Empire and the carving up of Africa into European-ruled colonies. Furthermore, multilateral diplomacy was institutionalized in a permanent form. The Paris Congress created an International Commission of the Danube to match Vienna’s 1815 Commission of the Rhine and established the Universal Telegraph Union (later the International Telecommunication Union). In 1874 the General Postal Union (later the Universal Postal Union) was established. Afterward, specialized agencies like these proliferated. The peace conferences at The Hague (1899–1907), which resulted in conventions aimed at codifying the laws of war and encouraging disarmament, were harbingers of the future.

During the 19th century the world underwent a series of political transformations, and diplomacy changed with it. In Europe power shifted from royal courts to cabinets. Kings were replaced by ministers at international meetings, and foreign policy became a matter of increasingly democratized politics. This, plus mass literacy and the advent of inexpensive newspapers, made foreign policy and diplomacy concerns of public opinion. Domestic politics thus gained increasing influence over European foreign policy making.

Meanwhile, European culture and its diplomatic norms spread throughout the world. Most Latin American colonies became independent, which increased the number of sovereign states. With their European heritage, Latin American countries adopted the existing system without question, as the United States had done earlier. The British Empire, through the East India Company, gnawed away at the Mughal dynasty and India’s many independent states and principalities and then united all of the subcontinent for the first time under a single sovereignty. In the middle of the 19th century, an American naval flotilla forced Japan to open its society to the rest of the world. Afterward, Japan embarked on a rapid program of modernization based on the wholesale adoption of Western norms of political and economic behaviour, including European notions of sovereignty and diplomatic practice.

In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, European emissaries to China faced demands to prostrate themselves (“kowtow”) to the Chinese emperor in order to be formally received by him in Beijing, a humiliating practice that Europeans had not encountered since the era of Byzantium. As plenipotentiary representatives of foreign sovereigns, they viewed it as completely inconsistent with the Westphalian concept of sovereign equality. The Chinese, for their part, neither understanding nor accepting diplomatic concepts and practices elaborated in Europe, were vexed and insulted by the incivility of Western representatives unwilling to respect the long-established ceremonial requirements of the Chinese court. In the ensuing argument between Western and Chinese concepts of diplomatic protocol, Europeans prevailed by force of arms. In 1860 British and French forces sacked and pillaged the emperor’s summer palace and some areas around Beijing. They refused to withdraw until the Chinese court had agreed to receive ambassadors on terms consistent with Western practices and to make other concessions. This was merely one of several Western military interventions undertaken to force Chinese acceptance of Western-dictated terms of engagement with the outside world.

Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh

Western diplomacy beyond Europe initially was conducted at a leisurely pace, given the vastly greater distances and times required for communication. For non-European countries such as the United States, this was an unavoidable reality, but, for the European great powers, it was a novelty. Fortunately, the dispatch of far-flung legations developed almost simultaneously with advances in transportation and communications, which made frequent contact possible. The railway, the telegraph, the steamship, and undersea cable sped the transmittal of instructions and information. Although the days of Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh—who as British foreign secretary negotiated for months at the Congress of Vienna almost without communication with the cabinet in London—were over, the ambassador’s role was more changed than reduced. Lacking instructions and fearing mistakes, earlier emissaries had often done nothing. Similarly, capitals often felt poorly informed about developments of interest to them. (At the dawn of the 19th century, U.S. President Thomas Jefferson famously instructed his secretary of state: “We have heard nothing from our ambassador in Spain for two years. If we do not hear from him this year, let us write him a letter.”) Improvements in technology now made referral to the capital possible and ensured that capitals heard from their envoys abroad, even in the most distant places, on a more frequent and timely basis. Cabinets consulted the ambassador as their “man on the spot” who knew and understood the local conditions, politics, and leaders.

Speedier communication, more involvement in commercial diplomacy as trade became crucial to prosperity, and, especially, the advent of typewriters and mimeograph machines all contributed to a significant increase in the number of diplomatic reports. Yet diplomacy remained a relatively gilded and leisurely profession, one that the British author Harold Nicolson was able to take up shortly before World War I in order to give himself time to write books. It also remained a relatively small profession despite the advent of newcomers. Before 1914 there were 14 missions in Washington, D.C.; by the beginning of the 21st century, the number of missions had increased more than 12-fold. Diplomats were gentlemen who knew each other and shared a similar education, ideology, and culture. They saw themselves as an elite and carefully upheld the fiction that they still were personal envoys of one monarch to another.