There are 476 million Indigenous people around the world and spread across more than 90 countries. They belong to more than 5,000 different Indigenous peoples and speak more than 4,000 languages. Indigenous people represent about 5% of the world’s population. The vast majority of them – 70% – live in Asia. Although they have different customs and cultures, they face the same harsh realities: eviction from their ancestral lands, being denied the opportunity to express their culture, physical attacks and treatment as second-class citizens. Indigenous peoples are often marginalized and face discrimination in countries’ legal systems, leaving them even more vulnerable to violence and abuse. Indigenous human rights defenders who speak out face intimidation and violence, often supported by the state. In addition, individuals may be physically attacked and killed just for belonging to an Indigenous people. Peaceful efforts by Indigenous Peoples to maintain their cultural identity or exercise control over their traditional lands, which are often rich in resources and biodiversity, have led to accusations of treason or terrorism. Discrimination is the reason why Indigenous peoples make up 15% of the world’s extreme poor. Globally, they also suffer higher rates of landlessness, malnutrition and internal displacement than other groups. Amnesty International has worked to defend the rights of Indigenous peoples in all regions of the world and demands that states apply and develop urgently needed laws to protect their lands, cultures and livelihoods.  Page 2Skip to main content
Immigrants face a number of particular vulnerabilities in the current labour market situation. First, immigrants tend to be overrepresented among employees with temporary contracts, especially in European and Asian OECD countries. Immigrant also tend to have lower seniority and are overrepresented in cyclical sectors (see OECD (2008[19]) for a discussion). Permit conditions may also enhance their vulnerability in terms of a job loss, if they do not allow for change of employers or professions. Even where this is possible, the perceived additional administrative burden or uncertainty may prevent employers from considering migrants in a context of a relative abundance of workers. More generally, employers tend to be more selective during slack labour market conditions, and characteristics such as language difficulties, which may hamper productivity, are used to screen out immigrant applicants. Even where such factors are lacking, a number of studies have shown that employers tend to selectively omit immigrants during an economic downturn (Baert et al., 2015[20]). Migrants have also fewer networks, and the importance of such networks tends to increase when labour market conditions worsen (Behtoui, 2004[21]). While the above-mentioned factors have been observed in a number of downturns such as the global financial and economic crisis of 2008, there are also several factors that specifically enhance migrants’ labour market vulnerability in the current situation. First, the outbreak of the COVID‑19 pandemic occurred following record-high inflows of immigrants to OECD countries, among which many refugees. New arrivals tend to be particularly hard hit during the crisis, with lasting negative impact on their long-term employment prospects. This holds true especially for those who did not yet managed to find employment, which is still the case for many refugees who arrived during the 2015/16 refugee crisis. In Sweden, an analysis of the impact of the recession of the early 1990s, which followed a period of high refugee inflows, showed a disproportionate negative impact of the recession on recent arrivals. This effect was strong and lasting – with much lower chances of being employed even 10 years after the crisis (OECD, 2007[22]); see also Aydemir (2003[23]). Second, the pandemic particularly affected employment in a number of services sectors where immigrants are largely overrepresented. This is particularly the case for hospitality and security and cleaning services, which have been hard hit during the lockdown (Table 1). For example in the EU, immigrants account for a full quarter of employment in the hospitality industry, twice their share in overall employment. In Austria, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Luxembourg, Norway, Switzerland and Sweden, they even account for at least 40% of employment in this sector (Figure 3). The likely impact on migrants is further heightened by the fact that hospitality is the sector where new arrivals are most strongly overrepresented when compared with long-term settled migrants (OECD, 2020[5]).
Table 1. Share of migrants among the employment in selected services sectors, 2018 Percentage of total employment
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on labour force surveys. Not only migrant employees, but also the self-employed tend to find themselves among the most vulnerable in the current situation. Across the OECD, migrants tend to be overrepresented among the self-employed, albeit only slightly (OECD/European Union, 2018[2]). Their businesses also tend to be smaller and to have a lower capital stock. What is more, as is also the case among workers, many immigrant businesses find themselves in the hard-hit hospitality sector. Indeed, in Canada, Denmark, Germany, Luxembourg, Norway and Sweden more than 40% of all self-employed in this sector are immigrants (Figure 3). Figure 3. Migrants as a share of all employed and of self-employed in the hospitality sector, 2018 Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on labour force survey data. While most OECD countries are gradually re-opening their economy after the often strict confinement phase at the peak of the COVID‑19 crisis, the impact on the labour market is likely to deepen significantly going forward. Changes in countries’ unemployment rates since the onset of the COVID‑19 crisis have varied widely, reflecting fundamental differences in policy responses but also the complexity of collecting and comparing labour market statistics in times of a pandemic (see (OECD, 2020[24]) for a comprehensive discussion and overview). Given this, and the uncertainty over the situation in the near future, it is still early to assess the impact on immigrants, but the available evidence clearly suggests a disproportionate impact in most countries. Across the OECD, employment rates were higher among foreign- than native-born in almost two‑thirds of countries. Immigrants were particularly affected in Southern European countries, Ireland and Austria, where employment rates decreased by at least 4 percentage points, at least twice as much as for their native counterparts (Figure 4). Among the exceptions with respect to the declining employment rates for immigrants are the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Finland and the Czech Republic, where no negative impact was observed thus far on the aggregate. The overall decline in employment rates – for both immigrants and native-born – tended to be more marked outside of Europe. At the same time, there was a much stronger volatility in these countries throughout the pandemic thus far. Figure 4. Change in the employment rate between Q2 2019 and Q2 2020, by place of birth Source: European Union Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS, Eurostat), US Current Population Survey. The effect on employment may be associated with higher unemployment, higher inactivity or both. Indeed, it is conceivable that migrants who lost their jobs were discouraged by the difficult labour market situation and that those who were looking for a job before the pandemic stopped searching or were simply not available for a job (because of the lockdown or because of family responsibilities due to schools closing). This removed them from the labour force according to the ILO definition. In countries where large job retention schemes have been put place and where temporary employment is less frequent, most of the effect may result in a rise in inactivity. The latter may even be accompanied by a decrease in unemployment. In other cases, increases in the unemployment rate may absorb most of the effect. In the United States, while overall unemployment reached at its peak 14.4% in April, it dropped to 8.5% in August 2020. Prior to the pandemic, the unemployment rate for immigrants was lower than that of the native-born, but it is now 2 percentage points higher than the unemployment rate for native-born. Part of the reason for the stronger overall unemployment reaction in the United States, and also Canada, is because retention schemes are not prevalent like in many European countries (OECD, 2020[24]). To which degree immigrants are covered by these schemes is unfortunately not known. Nonetheless, the initial labour market figures suggest that they seem to have a less stabilising effect for immigrants. That being said, most OECD countries experienced increases in the unemployment rate for both native-born and immigrants, with a much larger increase for the latter. Figure 5 provides an overview of the percentage point increase in unemployment rates comparing the most recent data from 2020 with the corresponding data from the same period of 2019. Among the countries for which data is available, in Norway, the United States, Canada, Sweden and Spain, immigrants experienced an increase of more than 4 percentage points in the unemployment rate. Among native-born, this was only the case in Canada and the United States. Figure 5. Year-to-year increases in the unemployment rate of immigrants and native-born, selected OECD countries, mid-2019 to mid-2020 Note: for Germany, Austria and Switzerland, data on native-born refer to nationals and immigrants to foreign nationals. Data refer to the changes from August 2019 to August 2020 for Austria, Canada, Sweden and the United States and from June 2019 to June 2020 for Germany and Switzerland. For all other countries, they refer to the changes from Q2‑2019 to Q2‑2020. Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on data from national employment statistics and Labour Force Survey Data (LFS). LFS data for European Countries are from Eurostat. The disproportionately high incidence on immigrants is especially notable in Sweden, where 58% among the newly unemployed since August 2019 are immigrants. In Austria, Norway and Germany, more than a third of the newly unemployed are immigrants or foreign nationals. In Greece, the changes in unemployment rates for immigrants and native-born even go in different directions. While the unemployment rate for immigrants increased by more than 2 percentage points, the unemployment rate declined slightly for the native-born. The situation is also continuously evolving. This is evident for example in Denmark, where figures on the changes in unemployment since the beginning of March 2020 show that initially, there was a stronger increase among native-born. However, over time, the situation changed and since August, a higher incidence on immigrants has been observed. In a context of declining activity, increases in unemployment must be interpreted with caution, as they can reflect the higher weight of the unemployed under lower employment figures. While for most countries, increases in unemployment were associated with declines in employment rates, there are a few notable exceptions. These include Belgium, France and Italy, where declines in employment were not mirrored in higher unemployment but rather by higher inactivity rates. These developments may partly reflect shortcomings in using labour force survey data in the early days of the pandemic – indeed, administrative data show a more consistent picture. In Belgium, for example, administrative data relating to temporary unemployment claims by nationality show an over-representation of workers of foreign nationality in temporary unemployment claims for the entire period March-August 2020. The over-representation increased from +5.9 percentage points in March to +8.7 percentage points in August. Likewise, in the figures on final payments to people who were temporarily unemployed for at least one day (available until July), people of foreign nationality are over-represented by 7.5 percentage points compared to their share among employees. The impact on specific groups has thus far not been uniform. For example, the increase in unemployment rates for EU nationals in Germany and in Austria was about twice as high as the increase in unemployment rates for nationals, but still lower than for other migrant groups. In Spain, however, the unemployment rate for EU citizens jumped from 14.8% to 20.5% – an even higher increase than for non-EU foreigners. In Norway, immigrant women from Central and Eastern Europe were the hardest-hit group thus far – with an increase in unemployment by more than 10 percentage points. As for women, data from Germany also suggest a disproportionate impact (Anger et al., 2020[25]) Likewise, data on the initial impact on refugees show divergent trends. In Germany and Austria, the unemployment rate for nationals from the main origin countries of refugees was above 30% in 2019 and increased rapidly by more than 5 percentage points in 2020. This increase is more than three times higher than the unemployment increases for nationals in Austria and Germany. In both countries, the unemployment rate for refugees now exceeds 40%. In Sweden, in contrast, first data from the public employment service on the labour market status of persons 90 days after the finalisation of the introduction programme for refugees and their family members do not show higher incidences of unemployment or non-employment. This somewhat surprising result, which stands in contrast with the observed higher incidence of unemployment as a whole, may be attributable to the fact that the Swedish authorities prolonged the duration of the various wage subsidy schemes by an additional year. This is a measure that disproportionately benefits recent refugees. Longitudinal data with disaggregation by country of origin for the United Kingdom show a higher job loss of BAME immigrants during the lockdown – while this was not observed for immigrants who self-declared to be of “white” origin (Hu, 2020[26]). Interestingly, while the former group had a higher probability to lose their job, they appeared to be slightly less likely to be furloughed. This means that BAME immigrants were more likely to have lost their jobs permanently instead of being granted leave of absence. Data on the impact on native-born descendants of immigrants is currently only available for Norway. In that county, the increase in the unemployment rate among descendants was, at 7.5 percentage points, even slightly higher than for immigrants themselves; indeed considering their lower initial levels of unemployment (3.4% in Q2‑2019), the relative impact was even stronger. To date, there is little evidence on the impact by education level, but the scarce evidence suggests that the crisis predominantly affect lesser-skilled immigrants. In Italy, for example, foreign nationals without educational credentials experienced a decline in the employment rate of more than 10 percentage points – twice the decline of those with at least an upper secondary degree. Likewise, the observed increase in unemployment in the United States was twice as large among immigrants with at most a high-school degree than for their peers with higher degrees. In addition, differences by education level were less pronounced for the native-born. Clearly, the outlook for immigrants’ labour market integration will largely depend on the evolving overall economic conditions, including with respect to the impact on specific sectors – and here the outlook is not good, considering immigrants’ strong overrepresentation in those services sectors most likely to be hardest-hit. First indicators on vacancies already suggest that the negative impact on immigrants is likely to magnify disproportionately. In the Netherlands, for example, where no negative impact on the employment or unemployment of immigrants has yet been observed, the Central Planning Bureau (van den Berge, Rabaté and Swart, 2020[27]) calculated the probability of being in a profession that observed a drop in vacancies of more than 20% combined with the probability of having a temporary contract. Compared with those with native-born parents, immigrants from high-income OECD countries and their descendants are 21% more like to be in this group, and other immigrants and their descendants are even 34% more likely to find themselves in this group. a. Facilitating stay in case of unemployment and reduced income Migrant workers who lose their jobs often struggle to comply with the conditions of their residency permits. In response, many countries have extended permits or removed obligations to leave, to prevent legally staying migrants from falling into an irregular situation. Spain, Greece, the Czech Republic and Germany, for example, did not withdraw permits for migrants who lost their job during the pandemic. Other countries including France, Slovenia, Estonia, Italy, Ireland, Poland, and Portugal automatically extended or renewed permits for a certain period, in some cases until after the end of the state of emergency, in other cases until a pre-defined calendar date. In many OECD countries, changes introduced allowed for overstay on a temporary visa, without any negative consequences for future visa applications (OECD, 2020[1]; EMN/OECD, 2020[7]). In countries where the validity of certain work permits is conditioned on reaching a certain level of income, for example in Australia, Austria and the United Kingdom, additional flexibility was introduced. A number of countries, including the Netherlands and Ireland, introduced policies to prolong the post-graduation stay of international students seeking employment (EMN/OECD, 2020[28]). b. Extending coverage of support measures A number of OECD countries modified their access to, and the duration of, unemployment benefits, with some changes likely to benefit migrants in particular as these often have less stable contracts and a lower contribution history. Belgium, for example, included the COVID‑19 pandemic within its “temporary unemployment due to force majeure” regime. As a result, workers do not need to prove a sufficient number of days as an employed worker in order to receive support. Similarly, in Spain, the minimum duration of work required to qualify for unemployment benefits, 360 working days during the last 6 years, was suspended. In Ireland, any person who lost their job due to the pandemic can receive COVID‑19 unemployment benefits. France modified the regulations for partial unemployment to employees affected by the lockdown. Sweden extended the period of subsidised jobs by one year; a measure that particularly benefits migrants – especially recent arrivals – as these are a main target group. Many OECD countries also introduced support measures for employers and businesses. These schemes tend to be general and hence open to foreigners as well. One example is the emergency law of March 2020 in Italy, introducing a wide set of measures to address the economic impact of the crisis. In the Netherlands, foreigners with a start-up visa or self-employed residence permit can request the ‘Temporary Bridging Measure for Self-employed Professionals’ allowing for income support and loans for business capital. Sweden prolonged financial support to newly started businesses, among which businesses operated by immigrants are overrepresented. c. Extending work rights Work permits are often restricted to a specific sector or employer. In light of the pandemic, some countries have eased these restrictions during the COVID‑19 crisis (EMN/OECD, 2020[7]). In the Czech Republic, for instance, migrant workers who have lost their job could receive authorisation to change employer as well as sector. In Finland, foreign workers with valid residence permit can change employer or field of employment until the end of October 2020. New Zealand has allowed temporary foreign workers in essential services to adjust their work hours and perform different roles for their current employer or their current role in a different workplace. Policies introduced also extended working right of other migrant groups, including students and asylum seekers. In Belgium for example, until the end of June, asylum seekers hosted by the employer were allowed to work immediately, instead of a previous waiting period of four months. Spain allowed young third-country nationals aged 18‑21, including students and asylum seekers, to work immediately until the end of September 2020. Ireland, France and Belgium for instance, allowed international students to work more hours, while Canada and Australia removed a previous cap on the maximum number of hours international students may work for those employed in essential services. d. Easing foreign credential recognition and other measures Many OECD countries have adopted policies to ensure faster labour market access of foreign health professionals already in the country (OECD, 2020[29]). Italy as well as several provinces in Canada and several states in the United States enabled a temporary licencing of doctors with foreign medical degrees. Chile and Spain facilitated recruitment in the national health services, while other countries including Belgium, Germany, Ireland and Luxembourg expedited applications for the recognition of foreign qualifications of health professionals. France allowed the employment of foreign-trained health workers in non-medical occupations in the health sector. In Italy, individuals in an irregular situation who can prove their presence in the country prior to 8 March, and are working in the agricultural or domestic care sector are now eligible for a new regularisation pathway. By the beginning of July, over 30 000 requests were submitted, the vast majority from domestic workers. Apart from these administrative changes, few countries have provided specific targeted support measures. The Norwegian government proposed a package of measures of NOK 456 million targeted towards immigrants, aimed at providing more assistance and increasing competence to facilitate swifter participation and inclusion into the labour market. Finally, Germany has implemented a number of specific support measures for migrant entrepreneurs, including an online platform with information on available crisis support measures in five languages and a network of dedicated caseworkers to support ailing migrant business in all federal states, including with respect to the filing of applications for state aid. The progressively comprehensive closure of schools across OECD countries has made online learning opportunities critical for education at all levels. Although schools are better equipped with digital tools than ever before, access to digital learning opportunities is still not equal: children of immigrants tend to be less equipped to face this new transition. In most OECD countries with significant shares of children of immigrants (Figure 6), students with immigrant parents are less likely than students with native-born parents at the age of 15 to have access to a computer and an internet connection at home. However, in spite of the gaps, in all countries, the overwhelming majority of students with immigrant parents do have access to a computer and to an internet connection. Figure 6. Access to a computer and an internet connection at home, children aged 15 Source: OECD, PISA 2018 Database. However, children with immigrant parents tend to be overrepresented among those with a low economic, social and cultural status compared to those with native-born parents (Figure 7). In Denmark, Slovenia, Iceland and Greece, more than half of children of immigrants aged 15 were among the bottom quarter of the economic, social and cultural status index.2 On average across the OECD, students with immigrant parents are twice as likely to be in the bottom quarter of the PISA index of economic, social and cultural status. Prior OECD work has shown that students from such disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to have access to a quiet place to study than their more advantaged peers and to be proficient in using technology for schoolwork – already before the pandemic (OECD, 2020[30]). Indeed, students with immigrant parents are consistently less likely to have access to a quiet place to study, with the exception of foreign-born students in New Zealand, but again the differences are not large and in all OECD countries, at least three out of four children of immigrants report to have access to a quiet place to study at home. Online learning reinforces the role of families in supporting students’ learning. Students with immigrant parents tend have parents with, on average, lower education and poorer socio-economic resources, and who may have a lower understanding of the education system. Students with immigrant parents thus tend to face additional difficulties compared to their peers with native-born parents. Figure 7. Percentage of disadvantaged students, by immigrant background Percentage of students in the bottom quarter of the PISA index of economic, social and cultural status Note: The PISA index of economic, social and cultural status (ESCS) was created using student reports on parental occupation, the highest level of parental education, and an index of home possessions related to family wealth, home educational resources and possessions related to “classical” culture in the family home. Statistically significant differences between the percentages of students with and without immigrant parents are shown in a darker tone. Only countries where the percentage of immigrant students is higher than 5% are shown. Source: OECD, PISA 2018 Database, adapted from OECD (2020[31]). In addition to the consequences of disadvantaged backgrounds on migrant students’ ability to make the most out of online learning and the preparedness of their school systems to this transformation, other factors affect the capacity of children with immigrant parents to succeed in this new way of learning. The lack of fluency in the language spoken in the host country can exacerbate difficulties with home schooling. Language barriers are more challenging when instruction is online, and in particular as it reinforces the potential lack of parental support. In the context of online learning, and without daily contacts with peers and few interactions with teachers, it can be more difficult for students with immigrant parents to overcome these language barriers and learn the host country language. It is particularly challenging in some countries, where the proportion of students who do not speak the host country language is high. On average across OECD countries in 2018, close to half (48%) of 15‑year‑old students with immigrant parents did not speak the language of the PISA assessment at home. This proportion was particularly large in Austria, Finland, Germany, Iceland, Luxembourg and Slovenia (Figure 8). While the available comparative data on student disadvantage is based on PISA data and thus refers to students at the age of 15, the negative impact on children of immigrants is likely to be higher for smaller children. Smaller children likely depend more on parental support, and the impact of not having many chances to practice the host-country language during several months may impact particularly at younger ages (see also OECD (forthcoming[32])). Figure 8. Percentage of students who do not speak the language of instruction at home, by immigrant background Note: Countries in which less than 5% of students had immigrant parents are not represented in the figure. Source: OECD, PISA 2018 Database, adapted from OECD (2020[31]). The OECD-Harvard Graduate School of Education Survey estimated the impact of school closures on education continuity to be at least two months of instruction for half of the primary and secondary school students (OECD, 2020[33]). During this time, a number distance-learning solutions such as online classrooms and broadcasts, as well as computer-assisted learning were implemented to bridge the gap between schools and learners, but the impact on education outcomes remains uncertain, especially for children of immigrants. In terms of material resources, however, there is little evidence of a disproportionate impact. Already prior to the pandemic, on average across OECD countries, there was almost one computer for educational purposes available at school for every 15‑year‑old student and in most countries, the availability of computers in schools tends to be more equitable than at home. In fact, in many OECD countries, the computer-student ratio is actually greater in disadvantaged schools than in advantaged schools. In reaction to the pandemic, many countries have distributed computers to all students in need, which should further lower a negative impact on disadvantaged groups such as children of immigrants. Likewise, first evidence on the impact on the suspension of final exams on children of immigrants shows divergent influences. Research from the Netherlands (Swart et al., 2020[34]), a country with tracking in school, suggests that because there was no central exam at the end of primary school, 14 000 children in that country are likely to have an “advice” for the level of the secondary school that was lower than it would have been had there been a central exam. Children with migrant parents are expected to be overrepresented among this group. In contrast, for those at the end of secondary school, comparison with data from previous years suggests that children with migrant parents are more likely than children with native-born parents to have graduated due to the fact that there was no central exam (Swart, Visser and Zumbuehl, 2020[35]). In any case, while the potential learning loss may be largely temporary, other elements associated with the absence of traditional schooling, such as lower educational aspirations or the disengagement from the school system, can have a long-term impact on students’ outcomes. This so-called “hysteresis” effect in education requires specific attention (OECD, 2020[33]). Indeed, in a number of OECD countries such as France and Norway, there have been reports of school disengagement by children of immigrants following the pandemic. Preventing negative long-term impact on migrant students’ outcomes requires to make sure that students are not discouraged by their difficulties and stay engaged in learning, and to provide innovative opportunities for interaction in the host-country language beyond teaching hours. 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(2020), “Greater risk of severe COVID-19 in Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic populations is not explained by cardiometabolic, socioeconomic or behavioural factors, or by 25(OH)-vitamin D status: study of 1326 cases from the UK Biobank”, Journal of Public Health, Vol. 42/3, pp. 451-460, http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pubmed/fdaa095. [35] Swart, L., D. Visser and M. Zumbuehl (2020), Effect schrappen centraal examen zonder aanvullende maatregelen, CPB. [34] Swart, L. et al. (2020), Schrappen eindtoets groep 8 kan ongelijkheid vergroten, CPB. [3] University of Bielefeld (2020), SARS‐CoV‐2 in Aufnahmeeinrichtungen und Gemeinschaftsunterkünften für Geflüchtete, https://pub.uni-bielefeld.de/download/2943665/2943668/FactSheet_PHNetwork-Covid19_Aufnahmeeinrichtungen_v1_inkl_ANNEX.pdf (accessed on 25 September 2020). [27] van den Berge, W., S. Rabaté and L. Swart (2020), Crisis op de arbeidsmarkt: wie zitten in de gevarenzone?, CPB. [11] White, C. and V. Nafilyan (2020), Coronavirus (COVID-19) related deaths by ethnic group, England and Wales - 2 March 2020 to 15 May 2020, ONS, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/birthsdeathsandmarriages/deaths/articles/coronaviruscovid19relateddeathsbyethnicgroupenglandandwales/2march2020to15may2020 (accessed on 22 September 2020). [8] WHO Bureau for Europe (2018), Report on the health of refugees and migrants in the WHO European Region: no public health without refugee and migrant health, WHO, Geneva, https://www.euro.who.int/en/publications/abstracts/report-on-the-health-of-refugees-and-migrants-in-the-who-european-region-no-public-health-without-refugee-and-migrant-health-2018 (accessed on 2 October 2020). 1. This brief uses the words “migrants”, “immigrants” and “foreign-born” synonymously. Unless mentioned otherwise, it includes all persons born abroad, regardless of their migration category, legal status, or nationality. Likewise, unless mentioned otherwise, native-born include all persons born in the country, regardless of the country of birth of their parents or of the ethnic minority to which they may belong. Children of immigrants, in contrast, includes all persons with foreign-born parents. It thus includes children who are born in the country but have immigrant parents. 2. The PISA index of economic, social and cultural status (ESCS) was created using student reports on parental occupation, the highest level of parental education, and an index of home possessions related to family wealth, home educational resources and possessions related to “classical” culture in the family home. |
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